Free market follies

Now that the big-time media is wrapping up its commemoration of the 20th anniversary of the Los Angeles riots, it can get back to its real job: bird-dogging celebrities and cheerleading a “jobless recovery.”

It can get back to its regularly scheduled programming, reporting on the sale price of movie stars’ homes while ignoring the persistent and unpleasant economic and political realities in low-income neighborhoods like south Los Angeles where the riots ignited.

But it was a different story at a terrific conference last week at the University of Southern California called “Up From the Ashes,” sponsored by the school’s Program and Regional  Equity.

It focused on how activists responded to the riots, their accomplishments and defeats, sweet victories and bitter frustrations, and the hard work that remains.

While many gave credit to the Los Angeles police for reforming their approach to minority and low-income communities, on other issues the prognosis was far grimmer. By critical economic measures such as unemployment, availability of affordable housing  access to health care, and the percentage of its sons and daughters in prison, low-income Los Angeles is worse off today than it was in 1992.

At the conference, longtime public transit activist Eric Mann pointed out that as in many other things, Los Angeles has been ahead of its time in its starkly contrasting communities of wealth and poverty.

He also tracked the decline of the government as a problem-solver and the rise of the worship of the free market as the panacea for even the most complex issues.

Mann compared the response to the earlier 1967 Watts riots with the response 1992 Los Angeles riots.

After the earlier riots, the McCone Commission, which had been appointed to investigate, predicted that if poverty and housing issues weren’t addressed, the city would erupt again.

While the War on Poverty initially resulted in some government attention to those problems, it wasn’t sustained. Antipoverty programs dried up as politicians embraced their new philosophy that demonized government as the problem and idealizing the private sector as the solution.

After the 1992 riots, the recovery was left in private hands, specifically to the Orange County-based former baseball commissioner who had organized the 1984 Los Angeles Olympics, Peter Ueberroth. While Ueberroth obtained promises for corporate funding for recovery for south Los Angeles, Ueberroth and his corporate colleagues were clueless about the community they were trying to help and the social issues they were wading into. As a result they failed to delivery any real economic benefit or social change. Government also failed to come through with any serious programs, leaving the community stranded once again.

Any gains came, not from corporate or government benevolence, but from determined efforts from the grass-roots, within the community.

Listening at the conference with ears attuned to the 2008 financial collapse and its aftermath, I heard a direct link between the “let the free market fix it” response the 1992 Los Angeles riots and the run-up to the economic meltdown.

The media and the politicians saw the geniuses who ran the big financial firms as not being unable to do wrong, with no need for the traditional oversight put in place after bank speculation led to the Great Depression. This led to the bipartisanship repeal of the 1933 Glass-Steagall Act, which had kept federally-guaranteed banks from engaging in other risky financial businesses, as well as the dismantling of the remaining regulatory structure.

Despite the massive failures of the free market to either regulate itself or solve social problems, we’re still in thrall to this faulty philosophy that the free market should largely be left alone to take on tasks for which it is clearly not equipped.

One of the biggest reasons for this is that the media has itself been so lax in holding the champions of the free market, like Ueberroth and the too big to fail bank bankers, accountable for the consequences of their missteps, broken promises, and failures, preferring instead to cheer them on in their folly.

Freakout in the Bonus Bubble

Did you hear the one about the hedge fund employee complaining that he’s got to scrape by on $350,000 this year because of his lower bonus?

This is not an anti-banker joke, it’s a Bloomberg News story.

In the story, reporter Max Abelson gets finance industry workers to open up about their feelings about their financial sacrifices in the wake of a reduction in bonuses this year.

One hedge fund marketing director acknowledges that he is “freaking out, like a rat in trap on a highway with no way out” because he will be unable to keep up with his kids’ private school tuition, summer rental and the upgrade to his Brooklyn duplex.

Bonuses were down about 14 percent across the financial industry last year in the wake of a second annual plunge in profits of more than 50 percent.

Noting that profits plunged a lot more steeply that the bonuses, the New York Times Dealbook column, which often takes the Wall Street view, couldn’t summon much sympathy. Reporter Kevin Rose sniffed, “It is apparently going to take more than shrinking bank profits to put a big dent in Wall Street bonuses.”

Wall Street bankers remain by any measure well paid, with an average annual compensation, including bonuses, of $361,180 in 2010, the last year for which averages are available. That’s 5 ½ times the average pay for Americans.

So to help put the bankers’ problems in perspective for the rest of us who might be having a hard time working up any empathy, Bloomberg rustles up a high-priced accountant.

“People who don’t have money don’t understand the stress,” said Alan Dlugash, a partner at accounting firm Marks Paneth & Shron LLP in New York who specializes in financial planning for the wealthy. “Could you imagine what it’s like to say I got three kids in private school, I have to think about pulling them out? How do you do that?”

What a load of malarkey.

What the Bloomberg report neglects to mention is that the financial industry actually compensated for the lower bonuses by raising bankers’ salaries.

While some bank defenders claim the brouhaha over bonuses is just envy, a report from New Bottom Line earlier this year puts the bankers’ bonuses into sharp focus. It found that bankers’ total compensation at the six biggest banks amounted to $144 billion last year – second only to the total paid out in 2007 before the meltdown.

Since the 2008 financial collapse, the banks we bailed have paid out a total of half a trillion dollars in compensation.

According to the report, if the bankers let go of just half of their compensation packages, banks could afford to underwrite principal on all the underwater mortgages in the country.

If bankers chose to forgo just 72% of their bonuses, they could fill the nearly $103 billion budget gap plaguing the nation’s city and states.

The bankers aren’t getting this money because they have contributed so much to the well being of the country. They’re getting it because they’ve captured both the political system and their regulators, who continue to do the bankers’ bidding. We can’t expect them, the bankers or the politicians or the regulators, to stop on their own.

We’re going to have to do it.

Check out our constitutional amendment to undo U.S. Supreme Court’s Citizens United ruling, which opened the gates wide for bankers and other corporate titans to influence our government with an unlimited and anonymous tidal wave of cash.

 

Party Like Its 1999

Today’s Census Bureau report on 2010 paints an unvarnished picture of the economic state of the union, and it’s not pretty.

The report confirms the damage done by the Wall Street debacle in 2008. The median income of American households fell by 6.4% from 2007. The median household income is 7.1% lower than it was at its peak, which occurred twelve years ago –in 1999. When you hear people talk about the “Lost Decade,” that’s what they mean.

The number of Americans in poverty jumped to 15.1% in 2010. A total of 46.2 million Americans were in poverty. That’s about 1 in every 6. The poverty rate grew almost 3 million from 2009, when 43.6 million, or 14.3 percent of Americans, were in poverty. The 2010 poverty level is the highest since 1983. More Americans are in poverty today than there were in 1959; but at least the rate has declined from around 23% in 1959.

But even these frightening statistics do not tell the whole story. Buried in the data was the fact that nearly a quarter of American families experienced “a poverty spell” lasting two or more months during 2009.

One measure of America has always been its promise of a better life for each succeeding generation. That principle is endangered too, the report shows. Twenty-two percent of Americans under 18 years old are in poverty. And the number of 25 to 34 year olds living with their parents rose 25% between 2007 and 2011.

Finally, the report contains some interesting demographic data pertinent to the politics of health care reform. Since 1987, the total number of Americans without health insurance has increased 40% - but remains at roughly 16% of the nation. Most Americans still get their health coverage from employers, but that number has dropped to 53% from about 65% in the late 1990s. A third of Americans are covered by government programs – a roughly 30% increase from 1987.

For people who feel like America is headed in the wrong direction, these numbers agree.

Republic Gone Bananas

It wasn’t the sight of members of Congress fleeing the Capitol building last week after the debt ceiling debacle that startled me. It was the policeman armed with an M16 combat rifle outside the House of Representatives, guarding them.

 

The New York Times piece never mentioned the cop. Nor did the caption on the photo by Stephen Crowley. Only one of the hundreds of people who commented on the story online mentioned the unknown officer.

But that was the real story to me.

Yes, the debt ceiling got raised – that was never seriously in doubt, because the financial consequences of default would have been devastating even for the Tea Partiers…. especially for the Tea Partiers. Slightly more interesting was the question of whether the president and the Dems would negotiate their way out of the paper bag the Tea Party people had put them in. (Nope.)

It was the heavily armed Capitol policeman that summarized for me all that has happened to this country over the last decade as we slid into a stinking pool of fear, anger and greed so at odds with our heroic journey. To see that kind of weaponry at the greatest living monument to democracy seemed undeniably to question it.

Maybe some members of Congress have concluded that they need more guns to ward off a nut job like the one who opened fire on Congresswoman Gabrielle Giffords and passers-by in Tuscon last January. But a machine gun on the steps of the Capitol building seems like way more firepower than necessary to stop a lone assassin.

It reminded me of the images we have come to expect from banana republics where the corrupt leaders treat themselves like royalty, insulated from the struggling populace by security men wielding polished pistols or machine guns.

When I lived and worked in Washington in the Seventies, the Kennedy and King assassinations were only a few years old and the wounds were still raw.

 

 

 

Shockingly, President Reagan was shot at the Hilton up on Connecticut Avenue, just after taking office in 1981. But no one – least of all Reagan, who deeply understood the power of imagery and symbolism – would have permitted the conduct of lunatics to steal our freedom and trap us in a mental state of siege.

Or is it simply that the moment has come when the rulers must protect themselves from the ruled?

Fill In the Blanks

A New Yorker story published online this morning describes yet another example of a financial debacle abetted by government corruption. As I read the first paragraph, it struck me that the basic plot is always the same – all you need to do is fill in the blanks:

In the spring of _______, as the reelection campaign of ______ was gathering momentum, a group of prominent _____ businessmen met for breakfast at the ________ to see the candidate. Among them was _____, the chief executive officer of _____, a fast and freewheeling financial institution that had brought together some of the most colorful and politically well-connected _____ in the country….

Last week’s final report of the Financial Crisis Inquiry Commission explains in intricate detail why and how the U.S. economy imploded in 2008, but isolates no single, primary cause of the crisis. The Commission says that the crisis was “avoidable” and notes that “widespread failures in financial regulation and supervision proved devastating to the stability of the nation’s financial markets,” but this is just one Commission conclusion of many. As Joe Nocera points out, the report never gets to the bottom line.

Our report, “Sold Out: How Wall Street and Washington Betrayed America,” published in March 2009, got right to the bottom line in its title. We didn't need subpoena power or a large staff to figure out what happened, just the willingness to say what everybody in the Wall Street/Washington axis of power already knew. Between 1998 and 2008, Wall Street invested $5 billion in Washington, a combination of money for lobbying and campaign contributions that won deregulation and other policy decisions that enabled the financial industry to do as it pleased. The ensuing orgy of unbridled speculation, based on "derivatives" and other financial schemes that even the CEOs themselves didn't understand, came to a halt when the housing bubble burst and Wall Street couldn't even figure out the value of the investments it held. The financial industry panicked, threatened to shut down the system, and got the government to undertake the mother of all bailouts - trillions of dollars in loans, tax breaks and other goodies.

In short: the power of money poisoned our policies and our politics, with dire consequences for all of us who don't enjoy the special favors that only vast quantities of money can buy.

The Commission, created and appointed by Congress and composed of members of the political elite, could not possibly issue that indictment. Which is why the discussion of the bailout – the most obvious example of the special status of the privileged in our country – is a measly five pages out of 410.

The American public deserves better. In other man-made national disasters, like the explosion of the Challenger space shuttle 25 years ago, experts in the field – astrophysicists, geologists, academics – were asked to undertake an independent investigation. Their reports secured the confidence of the public, and led to remedial actions. NASA was not allowed to investigate itself, and lo and behold, it turned out that the culture at NASA was ultimately responsible for a design defect in the rocket.

Because it retreats from the fundamental truths, the Commission's report does nothing to help us come to grips with the root cause of the financial crisis: the corruption of our democracy by special interest money.  I know from more than thirty years of fighting for consumer rights – particularly in the insurance marketplace – that industry lobbyists and unlimited money to politicians almost inevitably kill  legislation that would help average people. Even the feeble, loophole-ridden campaign laws that limited how much big corporations could spend in elections are in jeopardy, thanks to the United States Supreme Court’s decision last year in the Citizens United case, which decreed that corporations have the same First Amendment rights as human beings. Here in California, the voters have the ability to go around a paralyzed legislature and put matters on the ballot for a direct vote of the people, but even this populist process is increasingly abused by special interests that want to block consumers from having their day in court, or by a single company like Mercury Insurance, who thought it could fool the voters into permitting auto insurance overcharging.

Naming a thing for what it is aids understanding, which leads to action and ultimately recovery. Absent the cleansing force of honesty, we remain rooted in fear for our kids, for America’s future. Indeed, there is something deeply foreboding about the country’s degraded democracy and disabled economy. Some of the old clichés are becoming a sickening reality. We used to idly wonder, are we Rome, a corrupt empire in the process of collapse? A thoughtful, almost poetic book by that name, written by Cullen Murphy, suggests we are.

The term “third world” was once a sneer, connoting abject poverty, corruption, gross disparities between rich and poor, the absence of government services, a state controlled by a cabal of self-perpetuating leaders. Now consider the statistics on post-collapse America, which Arianna Huffington marshals in her latest book, "Third World America."

This would be a good point to fill in the blanks in the piece I excerpted above from the New Yorker story. The missing words are: 2009, President Hamid Karzai, Afghan, presidential palace, Khalil Ferozi, Kabul Bank, Afghans. Yesterday’s New York Times reported that fraud and mismanagement at the largest bank in Afghanistan has resulted in $900 million in losses, potentially triggering a financial debacle. Kabul Bank is “too big to fail,” according to Western diplomats quoted by the Times. It's the same story everywhere, and thus it would hardly come as a surprise if U.S. taxpayers ended up funding the bailout of Kabul Bank.

Around the Web: Bigger Than Wikileaks

While the Wikileaks dump of secret diplomatic got more publicity, the Federal Reserve’s reluctance release of data on details of what it was up to in the bailout is actually the bigger story.

It’s a giant step towards the direction of democracy in a financial system that hasn’t had any.

What are we finding out? For one thing, just how much dishonesty is built into our knowledge of the financial system. Because corporate leaders never expected the data to be released, they lied, mischaracterized or downplayed their reliance on the Fed’s largesse.

Aaron Elstein lays it out at CrainsBusinessNewYork.com in a blog post headlined `Whoppers from the Bailout Binge’, (ht the Audit, which provides an excellent roundup of Fed dump coverage).

“In some cases,” Elstein writes, “the actions taken by companies jarringly contrast with their executives’ public comments about the bailout program.”

Along with the stunning secrecy that has surrounded the process and the dishonesty of the corporate recipients of the taxpayers’ generosity, a couple of other main themes emerged from scrutiny of the Fed data.

First, not only did U.S. taxpayers come to the aid of large European banks, they also gave emergency loans to many of the biggest U.S. businesses, like GE, Verizon and even Harley-Davidson. All of these institutions were deemed too big to fail, or even suffer more than a some sleepless nights’ worth of economic distress in the financial meltdown. About the only entities not deemed worthy of saving in the meltdown were many of the taxpayers themselves ­ who foot the bill for the whole extravaganza. The institutions that dreamed up the toxic loans got a bailout the taxpayers should have read the fine print more carefully, dammit!

Second, the Fed’s $3.3 trillion rescue scheme was rife with conflicts of interests. Members of regional Fed boards sat in on decisions to help out their own institutions, and corporations like BlackRock acted as paid advisers to the process and also bought securities on behalf of clients as part of the Fed’s efforts.

To put what’s happening in perspective, Matt Stoller, former senior policy adviser to former Rep Alan Grayson, the fiery Florida Democrat who recently lost his re-election bid, wrote this fine piece in Naked Capitalism.

Angelides Panel Day 2: Bair, But No Flair

The first two days of the long-awaited Financial Crisis Inquiry Commission hearings have been largely rambling and listless, with commissioners leading witnesses around the same debates and issues that even casual observers of the meltdown and bailout have heard many times.

Those with patience were rewarded Thursday with some nuggets of straight talk from FDIC’s Sheila Bair and state regulators skeptical of the benefits of financial innovation.

Phil Angelides is getting some raves for his clash with the head of Goldman-Sachs Wednesday and his knowledge of how the financial system works. Angelides compared Goldman to a used car salesman selling vehicles with bad brakes, and chided the firm’s chairman for describing the financial meltdown as a natural disaster like a hurricane.

I’m not buying it.

One dustup in the middle of two days of hearings did nothing to illuminate the meltdown. Goldman’s thick-skinned and well-paid Blankfein has already stared down the president of the United States and Congress. I doubt he’s going to change course after Angelides’ comments.

Angelides, his vice-chair Bill Thomas and the other commissioners seem to have no sense of urgency or flair for how to hold a public hearing. Angelides and company are either unprepared or appear not to have the stomach to bring out the story in a compelling way or hold bankers and regulators publicly accountable.

We have a long, proud history in this country of public hearings that focused on key issues, electrified the country, and galvanized political change, starting with the hearings on which the current panel is based, the 1930s Senate probe into the financial shenanigans preceeding the stock market crash, headed by Ferdinand Pecora.

Michael A. Perino, a professor specializing in securities regulation at St. John's University School of Law who's writing a book about Pecora, told "Bill Moyers Journal" that Pecora took complex financial transactions and turned them into simple morality plays. “Pecora was, if nothing else, a brilliant lawyer. He knew how to ask questions. He was a pit bull. He would not let people get away with hemming and hawing and hedging their answers. And he would go after them, politely, of course. But he would go after them until he got the answer he wanted.”

In the early 1950s Sen. Estes Kefauver went after organized crime. Later in the decade, Sen. Robert Kennedy targeted corrupt union bosses.  In the 1970s, the country was riveted by the Senate hearings into the Watergate scandal, led by a superb lawyer named Sam Dash.

Each of those hearings, from Pecora to Watergate, was characterized by relentless preparation, tenacious questioning and savvy stage managing.

Dash unfolded the Watergate story like an episode of the old courtroom drama Perry Mason. It’s worth quoting Dash’s method at length for the stark contrast with Angelides.

“Having been a trial lawyer, I know that you begin a trial by starting at the very beginning,” Dash told NPR’s “On the Media” in 2003.  “It's like a detective story. In this particular case, there was the Watergate burglary; there were the cops that arrested the burglars. And then I would bring in a number of accusers like John Dean who had been counsel to the president who was pointing the finger at the president and [H.R.] Haldeman and [John] Erlichman, and so I was setting up this tension of the police work, the work of the people who were involved as co-conspirators, who were accusing, and then ultimately bring the accused – Haldeman, [John] Mitchell, and Ehrlichman – and in order to make sure that our story would be told in a consecutive and interesting fashion, every witness that I called had been prior called, before an executive committee.

“In other words I knew exactly what my questions were going to be and I knew exactly what the answers were going to be so that I could put it in a form that this would come out like a story, and I think it, it succeeded in the sense that the American people were glued to their television sets waiting for the next episode.”

In Thursday’s session we got the attorney general, Eric Holder, touting his successful prosecution of Ponzi schemer Bernard Madoff and other cases that had nothing to do with the financial crisis. His office continues to investigate 2,800 mortgage fraud cases, Holder said.

No commissioner asked Holder any follow-ups about the recent failed prosecution of Bear Stearns hedge fund managers who were acquitted of lying to their clients about the funds’ mortgage investments, or lessons that the Justice Department might have learned from that embarrassing defeat.

Nor did the commissioners ask SEC chief Mary Schapiro, seated close by Holder, about the SEC’s colossal failure in ignoring repeated warnings about Madoff’s crooked deals.

What’s particularly frustrating is that Angelides appears to have the seeds of a theme: how banks and regulators ignored warnings of trouble prior to the meltdown. He has asked a couple of times about a 2004 FBI report that warned of a looming explosion of mortgage fraud. Surprisingly, though Angelides had raised it Wednesday with the bankers, when Angelides asked Holder about it Thursday, Holder replied that he wasn’t familiar with the warning but said, “We’ll look into that.”

That’s some indication of just how seriously the country’s top law enforcement officer is taking the hearings.

The commission’s second day of hearings focused on regulatory efforts of the SEC and FDIC as well as state efforts at financial regulation.

Amid strong lobbying by the big banks, state regulators have been largely pre-empted from financial regulation. Whether or not to give states back that authority is a key point of contention in on-going debate over financial reform; financial institutions continue to bitterly oppose it.

Sheila Bair, FDIC chair, whose strong voice for reform has sometimes been drowned out by those of other members of the Obama economic team, got a chance Thursday to reiterate her view of the failures that contributed to the crisis.

“Not only did market discipline fail to prevent the excesses of the last few years, but the regulatory system also failed in its responsibilities,” Bair said. Record profits across the banking sector, Bair added, also served to limit “second-guessing” among the regulatory community.

The Texas securities commissioner, Denise Crawford, also offered a sharp perspective not usually heard either on Wall Street or in Washington. “The great minds of Wall Street are probably right now coming up with new securitization products,” she told the commissioners. “It's not just mortgages. It's the entire structure of Wall Street and the super-wealthy that create the demand for new speculative products.”

Sol Price, Capitalist Hero

In the pantheon of contemporary American capitalism, there are few living heroes. Now there is one fewer. Sol Price, the legendary retailer, unprecedented philanthropist, counselor to people and presidents alike, died last month at the age of 93. He was a mentor and a friend to many including myself, a modest man whose straightforward approach to his business and the nation’s could be epitomized by the question to which this web site is dedicated: “where’s our money?”

On Friday, more than a thousand friends of Sol Price packed a San Diego ballroom to mark his passing.

One of them was Jim Sinegal, who was just a kid when he met Sol while unloading a bunch of mattresses at FedMart, Sol’s first venture into retailing, back in the nineteen fifties in San Diego. Sinegal was there in 1976, when Sol and his son Robert pioneered the “big box” membership store. Its features are commonplace now, but back then, they were a revolution in retailing: the stores relied on word of mouth rather than paid advertising. Expenses were cut to the bone by building concrete warehouses and locating them where real estate was less costly. Hours were limited. Instead of tens of thousands of stocked items, you’d find only thousands. But they’d be top quality, and, because they were bought in bulk and overhead was so low, much cheaper for the consumer. And for a long time, the stores refused to accept credit cards – because Sol did not like the idea of his customers going into debt.

Sol always considered himself an agent of the consumer. “We tried to look at everything from the standpoint of, Is it really being honest with the customer?” Sol told Fortune Magazine in 2003. “If you recognize you’re really a fiduciary for the customer, you shouldn’t make too much money.”

They called the company the Price Club. I always found it fascinating that he was born with a last name so nearly eponymous with the savings ethic that marked his retail philosophy. Today, after a 1993 merger, the $71 billion company is known as Costco. It has 566 stores, with over 56 million members. Sinegal is its President.

(A note for those who consider invention the province of the young: Sol was 60 years old when he started the Price Club.)

Sam Walton, the founder of WalMart and later Sam’s Club (names he acknowledged cribbing from FedMart and Price Club), said, “I guess I’ve stolen – I actually prefer the word ‘borrowed’ - as many ideas from Sol Price as from anybody else in the business.” But in contrast to the WalMart approach, Price offered employees high wages, employment stability, full health care coverage and invited unions to represent store workers.

Sol’s honesty and integrity were the core of his being, and guided his conduct as a businessman. Sinegal told the story of how Price refused to set up restrooms separated by race in Texas. How he once persuaded a hosiery supplier to cut his wholesale price deeply upon the promise of volume sales, but when the volume failed to materialize, Sol repaid the wholesaler the difference, a gesture unheard of then – or now.  Or how he refused to lowball the owners of a bankrupt company forced to sell their assets. “Never kick a man when he is down,” Sol said.

“It is impossible to make him bigger in death than he was in life,” Sinegal said Friday.

Sol became famous around the world for his business acumen, but it was his philanthropy that distinguishes him from so many other ultra-rich.  “Sol told me, ‘we make money so we can give it away,’” recalled Sherry Bahrambeygui, a young, super-smart lawyer he recruited to help manage the Price family’s business and charitable endeavors.

Sol lived the quintessentially American rags to riches story, and I saw that background reflected both in his demeanor – he was direct, to the point, and would not tolerate flattery or prevarication – and in his careful, frugal approach to everything he did, from how he lived to his businesses and philanthropy.

The son of a labor organizer, Sol grew up during the Great Depression and decided to study law, graduating from University of Southern California Law School in 1938. During World War II, he practiced law by day, but spent his nights training maintenance workers to service engines at a San Diego airfield. Unlike most businessmen, who often whine about lawsuits and support efforts to roll back consumer protection laws, Sol was a strong supporter of the right to go to court. All of his actions were guided by his strong sense of what was just and fair.

Though his personal wealth was estimated at $500 million, he lived in a modest home, drove himself to work until he no longer could, used pencils rather than pens, and, I’m pretty sure, wore a Timex watch.

Sol instituted his most ambitious philanthropic project close to home. Working with local officials, Sol, his son Robert and a small staff operating out of his office in LaJolla revitalized the dilapidated City Heights section of San Diego. He, his family and their charities donated over $150 million to build schools, housing, a library, recreational facilities, a police station, and provide a host of family services to City Heights residents. No detail was too small to escape his attention; he was known to insist on the particular kind of shrubbery to be included in the landscaping. His work at City Heights confirmed his belief that the most efficient and effective way to provide health care to kids was through the school system – an approach that was briefly contained in the health care legislation now before Congress.

Another project arose from the loss of a grandson to cancer at age fifteen. The Aaron Price Fellows program enrolled promising high school students in a special curriculum that taught about government and civic involvement. One of its graduates, San Diego City Councilman Todd Gloria, joked on Friday that some might say a “ten pound bag of rice” was Sol’s legacy. Not so for the six hundred Price Fellows. “I would not be where I am today were it not for Sol Price,” Gloria said. When asked to identify themselves, dozens of Price Fellows in the audience stood up – a diverse group of young, smart, eager people who will be California’s next generation of leaders.

An unabashed Democrat and liberal, Sol supported many advocacy groups, from Public Citizen and the Urban Institute in Washington, D.C., to the Center for Public Interest Law at the University of San Diego, and the group I founded in 1985, Consumer Watchdog.

Asking Sol for money was nothing like anything I had ever experienced. At our first meeting, in the 1990s, I had barely said hello before he gruffly sent me away, with instructions to come back with an organization budget and a profit and loss statement. I was taken aback. “Non-profits aren’t supposed to make a profit,” I protested. He chuckled that chuckle that I quickly learned preceded a shaking of his head and then a short but tough lecture. “What happens if your expenses are greater than what you bring in?” he asked. “Why should I invest in something that might not be around?” I returned with the data, which we poured over, Sol all the while questioning my assumptions, my strategies, asking me where every penny went, forcing me to consider how we could do our work more effectively (even if it ended up costing more). Once he was satisfied with the plan, Sol became a major supporter.

After electricity deregulation turned into a costly scam in 2000 and Consumer Watchdog took a lead role in trying to protect Californians against a taxpayer bailout of the energy industry, Sol helped us raise money from people he knew all over the state. I recall one day asking for his views on various possible solutions to the crisis. He imparted some wisdom that clearly had served him well. “You don’t always have to have all the answers. Sometimes it’s important just to ask the right questions.”

Sol’s support for well-run non-profit groups was widely recognized. What was less well known is how he took care of the people he came in contact with. Sherry Bahrambeygui described Sol as having an ability to connect with individuals in a deeply personal way. I experienced it as an almost uncanny sixth sense. One day in the fall of 1997 I drove down to his office, intending to discuss a grant for Consumer Watchdog. But when I sat down, he said to me, “what about your own financial situation? What’s your plan for the future?” In truth I had been so absorbed in my work that I’d too often neglected those matters. What made him ask remains a mystery to me. But we then spent many hours together, me and the founder of Costco going through my own finances! I later learned that I was one of many to whom he had offered personal advice and assistance.

For years after that, I would visit him every month, sometimes with my family. The man who was brutally honest and laser-like when scrutinizing a balance sheet or a business proposal was also a witty storyteller who liked to talk politics and history with friends and family over dinner. His insights into human nature were entertaining and often eerily prescient. He knew everyone and enjoyed connecting people. Among those he introduced me to were his close friends Brian and Gerri Monaghan, who became my friends as well. On Friday, they whispered to me with a laugh that if Sol had been in attendance at his memorial he would have left after fifteen minutes – he was never comfortable being the center of public attention, much less adoration.

I saw Sol just a few weeks before he died. His wife Helen had passed the year before, and he seemed, for the first time, weary. He was distant and uncharacteristically quiet. Yet when I wondered aloud why people seemed to grow more conservative as they grow older, a twinkle came back into his eye and he said, “I think it’s because they sense their own mortality and become more fearful.” I saw no fear in his eyes. I will always be grateful that I had one last chance to thank him for all he had done.

There were many poignant moments at last Friday’s tribute – laughs, gasps at previously unheard anecdotes, and the occasional swiping away of tears as people recalled, publicly or privately, their own moments with Sol. But the time I choked up was at the very end, after Robert spoke about his mom and dad’s 78-year marriage, then thanked the crowd and left the podium. There was polite applause, and it seemed that it was time to go. But then something changed; the applause grew louder, and suddenly everyone was standing, and, facing the now-empty stage, clapping their hands together in a sustained thunder for many minutes – a last ovation for Sol.

In an age defined by forgettable billionaires who built little but monuments to their own narcissistic folly, Sol Price left a remarkable and enduring legacy. He changed corporate America’s relationship with consumers and the lives of the many thousands of people who knew him.

The real story behind "make him do it"

By now it’s a familiar story: when the legendary labor and civil rights leader A. Philip Randolph met with FDR before World War II to get the president to take action against discrimination, the president boomed back: “I agree with you, now go out and make me do it.”

Lots of people have been retelling the story as a call to action, comparing Obama to the wise, liberal Roosevelt. It urges supporters of everything from Middle East peace to health care and financial reform to keep the pressure on in order to get President Obama to do what he essentially wants to do, but cannot do—on his own because he’s being forced into unpalatable compromises by political pressures.