Around the Web: Will the Dodd Abide?

The fight for financial reform enters a new stage this week when Sen. Chris Dodd launches his latest version of his proposal. The New York Times highlights the senator’s weak nods in the direction of granting shareholders more power: giving them “advisory” votes on executive pay and the ability to nominate board members.

Dodd’s earlier proposal was considered stronger than the House reform bill, which was strongly supported by consumer advocates and opposed by bankers and the Obama administration. Dodd is a long-time ally of financial and insurance industries who have backed him over the years. But those close ties were undermining him politically after the financial crisis, so he was attempting to forge the appropriate image of a tough politician. Then Dodd dropped out of his tough reelection bid and he began to back off from some of his positions, like support for a strong and independent Consumer Financial Protection Agency. His effort to negotiate a bipartisan bill broke down and now some are reporting that Dodd has returned to some of the tough positions he had advocated. Here’s Calculated Risk’s breakdown of the proposal Dodd is about to unveil. Though it’s hard to imagine the push for financial reform going any slower, that’s what Republicans want, the Washington Post reports.

At the same time, the American Bankers Association meets in Washington this week, Business Week reports. They are ready to battle any attempt at greater consumer financial protections. They’ll defeat it outright if they can, and fight to water it down if they can’t kill it.

Around the Web / Consumer Financial Protection Agency - 03/14/2010

Tea Party For Two

Is the Democratic Party obsolete?
That’s the question that keeps nagging me as I watch President Obama and the Democratic leadership fumble away their opportunities to fight for meaningful reform of health care and the financial system.
The president and congressional leaders consistently shy away from fighting for reforms they themselves propose, such as the public option or the consumer financial protection agency.

They obsess over whether someone will accuse them of partisanship, or whether they will spook the markets if they crack down on reckless profligate bankers. They appear to find any excuse to avoid pushing the kinds of fundamental of changes that would challenge the health care and financial industry.

I don’t think you can blame the Republicans, whatever their own faults. They oppose reform. They’re fighting Obama and his policies as a way to regain power. They’re pursuing that opposition determinedly, and they’re betting it will pave their way back to a majority. It’s not the Republicans’ fault if they set traps for the Democrats and the Democrats continually fall for them.

Members of the Democratic leadership have shown profiles in cowardice when it comes to fighting for any reforms opposed by the insurance or financial industries. In the latest display, House and Senate leaders are furiously trying to blame the other for the death of the public option, even though it’s supported by a majority of Americans and even 40 members of the U.S. Senate.

But the insurance companies have fought the public option, which would provide those forced to buy health insurance under reform an alternative to private insurance. So the Democratic leadership has shown determination to find a way to eliminate the provision without leaving their fingerprints on the corpse.

The same with financial reform, where the Democrat leadership has zigged and zagged but hasn't won the fight for strong independent consumer protection or meaningful regulation of the complex investments that blew up in the meltdown. Sen. Chris Dodd, the long-time friend of insurers and financial titans who serves as Senate Banking chair, flirted with a strong reform proposal when he was running in a tough reelection campaign. But he backed off after he decided to retire and now appears ready to resume his traditional role in service to the bankers’ lobby. As an industry publication recently noted, insurance companies will miss Chris Dodd.

The Democratic leadership don’t seem to stand for any strong principles.
The president and Democratic leaders pay only lip service to the deep anger in the country over the erosion of the middle class, and the bank bailout that pumped up Wall Street while leaving Main Street on life support. The Democrats fear that anger because they know that their own Wall Street-friendly policies have helped fuel the series of speculative bubbles that brought prosperity and then a crash that wiped out the financial security of millions of Americans.
The president and his party are banking that the economy will improve enough by later this year, and 2012, to blunt voters’ anger.
If it does, the Democrats will claim credit for setting the economy right without having unduly upset their contributors in the financial and insurance industries. Even better for the Democrats, they will be able to bolster their fundraising by showing how they hung tough against the call for stronger reforms.
The Democrats came into office promising not to “waste a crisis.” But their efforts to reform health care and the financial system and to put Americans back to work have shown a distinct lack of urgency.
Could there be another way?

Obama will face voters on the 100th anniversary of the last presidential election in which a third-party candidate beat a major party candidate. The third-party candidate was a former president, Teddy Roosevelt, running on the progressive Bull Moose ticket promising to bust up the powerful big corporations of the day, known as trusts. Roosevelt was angry that the president who followed him, Republican William Howard Taft, hadn’t followed in his activist political footsteps. The former president was not afraid to show his ire, calling on his followers to launch “a genuine and permanent moral awakening.”
Taft, for his part, favored a laissez-faire policy toward business and regulation that resonates with the era that we’ve been through. “A national government cannot create good times,” Taft said. “It cannot make the rain to fall, the sun to shine, or the crops to grow.” But by meddling, government could “prevent prosperity that might otherwise have taken place.”
Sound familiar?

Roosevelt lost the election to Woodrow Wilson, but he got more votes than hands-off Taft.
Today the tea party is rumbling on the right, threatening revolt against the Republicans. There’s already the beginnings of a coffee party. If the economy doesn’t cooperate with the Democrats, the tea party’s discontent could be just the beginning of the end of the two-party stranglehold on our government.

Consumer Financial Protection Agency / Martin Column / Outrage / President Barack Obama - 03/12/2010

Strong Financial Consumer Protection Not Optional

While a key Democrat has been wobbling in his support for an agency to protect financial consumers, President Obama and members of his administration have recently come out strongly in support.

But will they fight for it in the face of relentless opposition from bank lobbyists, Republicans and Blue Dog Democrats?

The Obama administration’s abandonment of the public option in the health care debate provides a grim omen for the financial reform battle.

Some have compared the public option to the Consumer Financial Protection Agency. Both enjoyed broad public support but have been fiercely opposed by the businesses they would challenge: insurance companies fought hard against the public option while financial institutions fiercely oppose the consumer protection agency.

Aside from industry opposition, the public option and the CFPA shared the potential to provide a shield for consumers against abuses.

At various times, the president also supported the public option. Today his spokesman said the public option just didn’t have the votes. But that assessment was something of a self-fulfilling prophecy. There’s little evidence that President Obama put much pressure on legislators in support of the public option, and his ambiguity in public didn’t help it, either.

After initially supporting the public option, the president signaled it was not a crucial aspect of health-care reform.

But the public option offered the only potential check on the insurance companies, which are about to get a glut of new customers forced to buy policies from them. Democrats are suggesting a tepid combination of subsidies and insurance cooperatives that won’t provide meaningful accountability for the insurance companies.

Now Republicans are digging in their heels in opposition to the CFPA, with the usual rhetoric about wasteful government bureaucracy. It’s nothing but a thinly disguised fundraising pitch to woo the financial industry back from Democrats. Chris Dodd, soon to be retired head of the Senate Banking Committee, has suggested the consumer protection function might co-exist within some other agency. That’s a very bad idea. Just look at how much consumer protection the Federal Reserve, Treasury Department and other agencies accomplished in the housing bubble and its aftermath.

If that’s not enough to convince you, look at the recent shenanigans by banks and credit card companies piling on new fees.

The New York Times reported this morning how banks are getting ever more aggressive in socking their customers with higher over-draft protection fees. Credit card companies, even in the face of new regulations, are finding new ways to gouge their customers, charging fees for paying off your card on time, or even charging fees for not using a card.

There’s nothing stopping the Treasury and the Fed from using their bully pulpits to rail against these continuing abuses now. But they don’t. They ignored warnings about predatory lending during the housing bubble and have shown no stomach for protecting consumers since the economic collapse.

Dodd is supposed to unveil his latest version of financial reform this week. Let President Obama and your senators know that you won’t be fooled by financial reform in name only. Whether President Obama is capable of staying the course we don’t know. But we do know we need a strong, independent Consumer Financial Protection Agency.

Consumer Financial Protection Agency / Martin Column / President Barack Obama - 02/23/2010

It's Alive!

Wall Street has weighed in with powerful evidence that the United States Supreme Court was right when it concluded a few weeks ago that corporations are the same as human beings. Turns out, Wall Street has feelings, and they are hurt.

Wall Street is so “irked” at President Obama and the Democratic Party that it is rebuffing their requests for political money, according to the New York Times. “[I]t doesn’t feel good,” when Obama talks about Wall Street greed, complained a Morgan Stanley executive. “The expectation in Washington is that ‘We can kick you around, and you are still going to give us money,’” whined a major Wall Street executive. He warned: “‘We are not going to play that game anymore.’”

That’s just a bluff, of course, because Wall Street has been playing the Washington money game for decades – in fact, as we documented in our two hundred page report (PDF) last year, the nation’s economy is in the toilet now because between 1998 and 2008, Wall Street spent $5 billion on Washington, and Washington, without even a hint of partisanship, rolled over – deregulating the industry and encouraging the orgy of speculation that led to the crash.

The Supreme Court’s decision last month in the Citizens United v. Federal Election Commission case guarantees that big business will always be happy by solidifying corporate control over the nation’s legislative process. Discarding one hundred years of previous decisions, the court held that, under the First Amendment, when corporations spend money in the political process, it’s the same as when people make speeches.

This is a travesty. The practical effect of the decision is to accord huge multinational corporations the power to nullify the First Amendment rights of individual Americans. While you and I are “free” to drag a soapbox on to a street corner and  proclaim to our heart’s content, credit card companies, hedge funds, insurance companies are now “free” to unleash tens of millions of dollars from their corporate treasuries in an attempt to fix the outcome of any political debate in their favor. Sometimes that will backfire, as it did when insurance companies spent $80 million trying to persuade voters to defeat Proposition 103, the insurance reform I wrote back in 1988.  Californians figured out who was on the their side, and who wasn’t. But in the vast majority of lower profile issues, in which elected officials are called upon to choose between the policy choice favored by a huge money donor and the one that’s better for constituents, the money talks.

That’s why, despite the near-collapse of our financial system at the hands of the Money Industry, their lobbyists have still been able to stymie just about every congressional proposal to prevent another crash: reform of derivatives and the student loan system, creation of a Consumer Financial Protection Agency, and the recent proposal by the White House to ban banks from speculation.

The tyranny of the British monarchy led to the American Revolution. The Supreme Court’s decision substitutes a corporatocracy for the oppression of kings. So far, the tea parties that seem to be erupting spontaneously around the nation are directing their fire at the bailouts and other encroachments of government. They also need to keep an eye on the corporations that are arguably more powerful than the government already, or will soon be so thanks to the Supreme Court.

Harvey Column / Uncategorized - 02/09/2010

Attention Unhappy AIG Employees: Good Riddance

Looks like the top lawyer and other fat cats at AIG, whose salaries are now paid by American taxpayers, are maneuvering to be able to escape limits on their pay. Today’s Wall Street Journal reports that a Ms. Anastasia Kelly, the General Counsel of AIG, and four other insurance executives gave notice last week that they were “prepared” to leave by the end of the year if their pay is cut by Kenneth Feinberg, the government “pay czar” who sets compensation levels for companies that got bailout money. AIG got $182 billion in taxpayer dollars. AIG’s top employees want to bust the $500,000 pay cap set by Feinberg.

Harvey Column / Outrage - 12/07/2009

The Summer of Our Discontent

There’s been a lot of speculation that the Town Hall confrontations over health care reform have been generated by political operatives enlisted by politicians and other partisans who are in the pockets of the insurance and medical industries.

Harvey Column / Outrage - 08/26/2009