Around the Web: Now, They Won't

I remember when the Obama administration burst into office leading the nation in its campaign mantra: Yes we can. Later they adapted a new mantra to acknowledge how bad the economy was but how hard they were trying to fix it: It could have been worse. After the Democrats got walloped in the midterms, the president adjusted with his latest mantra: this was the best I could do.

Now his treasury secretary has offered the administration’s latest spin: No, you can’t.

Tim Geithner, the architect of so much of the administration’s no questions asked bailout of corporate America, is refusing homeowners facing foreclosure access to legal assistance to fight to save their homes, Zach Carter reports at Huffington Post.

Democrats from foreclosure-ravaged states are working on legislation that would overrule Geithner’s edict but the leadership isn’t interested.

This in spite of the massive failure of the administration’s foreclosure relief program, even when mortgage servicers are wrongfully attempting to throw people out of their homes.

According to a recent survey, banks started foreclosure proceedings against 2,500 homeowners while they were in the process of getting their mortgages modified.

When it comes to fixing the inadequate programs they’ve offered to fix the foreclosure mess, the Obama administration has offered a consistent mantra: No, we won’t.

Meanwhile, the state attorney general leading the 50-state investigation into the foreclosure scandal, Tom Miller, has some pretty tough talk.

Unlike the Obama administration, Miller comes right out and says that the mortgage principal should be reduced as part of any settlement with mortgage servicers. “One of the main tools needs to be principal reductions, just like in the farm crisis in the 1980s,” Miller said. “There should be some kind of compensation system for people who have been harmed. And the foreclosure process should stop while loan modifications begin. To have a race between foreclosures and modifications to see which happens first is insane.”

And yes he will, Miller insists, put financial criminals in jail.

Around the Web: They Told Us So

The foreclosure robo-signing scandal may not have been making headlines until a month ago, but nobody should be surprised that it has finally erupted.

There have been warnings after warnings, all of them ignored by politicians, policy makers and the mainstream media.

Among those who have been ringing the alarm bells is Florida lawyer April Charney, with Jacksonville Area Legal Aid, who has traveled the country to train lawyers how to challenge foreclosures. In California, Walter Hackett, of Inland Empire Legal Services, has overseen a listserv for consumer attorneys representing borrowers facing foreclosure. Web sites like 4closurefraud.org have also been relentlessly focused on the issue.

Earlier this year, Mother Jones ran a stinging story, “Can Anyone Stop The Predatory Lenders?” detailing the misdeeds of mortgage servicers. Reporter Andy Kroll pointed out that the feds were basically paying the same shoddy characters who engineered the subprime crisis to fix the mess.

And Bloomberg’s Jonathan Weil cautions against taking comfort from the big bankers who are now trying to minimize the impact of the fiasco they created. “Three years ago, as the subprime mortgage crisis began to spiral, one of the lessons the public should have learned is that the leaders of these companies often have no idea what’s going on inside them,” Weil writes. “We may be witnessing the same phenomenon again. There’s no excuse this time for anyone to be surprised.”

BIPARTISANSHIP FOR BIG BANKS

With 2 weeks to go to the midterm elections, President Obama and the Republicans have found an issue they can agree on: if they just do nothing, the foreclosure scandal will go away.

They’re betting that the use of robo-signers to process foreclosure documents without actually reading them will just amount to a pile of sloppy paperwork.

They’re betting that blaming borrowers will trump public outrage over banks holding themselves above the rule of law that states they have to prove that they own a mortgage note before they can foreclose.

You can understand the Republicans’ position; they argue that the government has no responsibility and is only capable of making any problem worse.

President Obama’s approach can’t be much of a surprise either, after leaving his financial policy in the hands of Wall Street apologists, fighting the most robust financial reform, providing a failed foreclosure relief program and not raising a finger to help when banks opposed his own proposal and not using his bully pulpit to push it. The president, despite his occasional bursts of rhetoric, has never assumed the role of tough regulator and reformer he promised on the campaign trail, preferring to act as the big bank’s collaborator-in-chief.

The president’s name may not be on the ballot November 2. But many of the Democrats who are facing the voters advocate a more robust response: a foreclosure moratorium while the very real legal issues are sorted out.

The Obama administration has taken to sending signals to the voters, hoping that might allay their worries. The feds announced the formation of that entity designed to show concern while guaranteeing that no action will be taken for the foreseeable future: a task force.

A number of banks had started their own voluntary moratoriums on some foreclosures. But two of those banks, Ally and Bank of America, have already canceled them. Meanwhile all 50 state attorney generals have announced their own investigations into the mess.

Despite the efforts of bank apologists to minimize it, the foreclosure debacle continues to shape up as a series of nasty legal battles, with a dramatic, unsettling impact on the housing market.

Opponents of a foreclosure moratorium portray it as a way of giving homes to people who haven’t been making their mortgage payments. But that’s a phony argument. A moratorium will not end up causing anybody who hasn’t been paying their mortgage to own a house they didn’t pay for.

As far as borrowers living in their houses for free, let’s be clear: that’s happening now, and it’s not the fault of any moratorium. It’s happening as a result of the banks’ own chaotic approach to foreclosure, often not wanting to take possession of property that has lost its value or not hiring enough staff to manage the properties properly.

This is the terrible irony about the banks’ fear-mongering. While they’re always predicting awful consequences to any action that limits their own power, the banks create the consequences all by themselves, or with the help of their willing collaborators.

Around the Web: Outsourcing Foreclosure `Catastrophe'

You wouldn’t think the leader of the free world would be so willing to outsource a massive foreclosure scandal to state attorneys general, judges, regulators and the big banks that created the mess in the first place.

But that’s exactly what President Obama has done, standing aside while 50 state attorneys general launch investigations, while banks implement their own voluntary moratoriums, announcing they have halted some, but not all, foreclosure proceedings.

A growing number of politicians, civil rights and consumer groups and labor unions have called for a nationwide moratorium amid allegations that banks violated foreclosure laws by using sloppy, false or fraudulent paperwork to kick people out of their homes.

But President Obama doesn’t like the idea of a foreclosure moratorium, which he fears could put the kibosh on his fragile recovery.

Where is the administration’s effort at finding some other creative solution to the mess the big banks have created across the country? What we find instead are regulators that have been ignoring clear warning signs about the banks’ troubled foreclosure crisis.

The federal response so far has been limp at best: a Justice Department inquiry (short of an investigation) and a call by a federal regulator for the banks to voluntarily verify that their foreclosure paperwork is in order.

Recent press reports call into question whether the banks have even implemented the foreclosure moratoriums they promised. Meanwhile more banks, this time Wells-Fargo, acknowledge they have also violated the laws governing foreclosure by submitting unverified documents to take people’s homes. Isn’t there an election coming up where the Democrats are fighting to maintain control of Congress, with their entire agenda at stake? Isn’t there already one party that has expertly cornered the whole do-nothing stick-your-head-in-the-sand approach to unemployment and foreclosure? Doesn’t the president know how awful it looks to most people to have the bailed-out banks getting away with yet more hanky-panky?

You would think the president would want to appear more engaged in this issue that’s so close to the heart of our on-going economic troubles.

His treasury secretary fears “unintended consequences". Apparently the administration would prefer the banks continue to foreclose on people using phony documents. While Wall Street predicts a catastrophe if a moratorium is implemented. If the big bankers want to know who created a catastrophe that will cost them billions, they only need to look in the mirror.

The Republican Who Tackled Foreclosures

President Obama isn’t the first politician to have to stare a massive foreclosure crisis in the face.

The last time foreclosures loomed so large in the economy and the national consciousness was during the Great Depression, when farmers and homeowners were losing their land in massive numbers.

Several states passed laws including moratoriums on foreclosure. Not because the banks couldn’t prove they owned the farms, or because they screwed up the paperwork. The moratoriums were implemented in recognition that the country was in an economic emergency and that having so many people lose their homes was bad for the country.

Minnesota passed such a law in 1933. After a judge allowed a couple to postpone foreclosure, the building and loan association that owned the mortgagee challenged the law. The firm appealed to the Supreme Court, contending that law was a violation of the Contracts Clause of the Constitution. But in its  landmark ruling in Home Building v. Blaisdell, the high court upheld the law. By a 5 to 4 vote the court ruled that the contracts clause wasn’t absolute and it didn’t outweigh the rights of the states to protect the vital interests of its citizens. In dissent, Associate Justice George Sutherland warned that the ruling would be just the beginning of further erosion of the contracts clause.

Chief Justice Charles Evans Hughes, an appointee of President Herbert Hoover, wrote the majority opinion. Hughes wasn’t some ivory-tower judge but a seasoned and fascinating Republican politician who had served as two-term governor of New York, with a record for establishing a public service commission, as well as pushing through labor law and insurance reform. He ran unsuccessfully for president against Woodrow Wilson before serving his first stint on the Supreme Court before running for president. After a stretch as secretary of state under President Calvin Coolidge, he was in and out of private life before President Hoover appointed him chief justice in 1930.

Though liberals gave him a hard time in his confirmation hearing, he often provided a swing vote in favor of the New Deal on a highly contentious court. But Hughes also repeatedly tangled with Roosevelt, voting against the constitutionality of the National Recovery Administration and opposing FDR’s court-packing scheme.

What do we get from this excursion into history? There’s some comfort in knowing the country has grappled with these tough times and issues before and survived. But it’s hard to encounter a figure like Hughes and not wish that some of his courage and unpredictability could rub off on our current crop of leaders, who seem so timid and tame by comparison, and who seem to have forgotten that protecting the vital interests of citizens isn’t just a matter of bailing out banks and tax cuts for the rich and hoping some of the booty will trickle down to the rest of us.

Don't Foreclose on the Rule of Law

As the foreclosure process implodes in the U.S., the big banks and their defenders are scrambling to defend the mess they’ve created, dismissing serious legal issues as mere technicalities.

I covered courts as a reporter for years and I learned something about legal technicalities.

What I learned was that whenever some lawyer started dismissing some legal rule as a technicality, they were about to try to heave some of their adversary’s fundamental rights out the window.

In the foreclosure mess, those adversaries would be the banks’ former business partners, their borrowers, the people they loaned money to.

Now the big banks are trying to dismiss the rules that govern the foreclosure process as legal technicalities.

Take for example the Florida case in which a judge ruled earlier this year that a document that was supposed to show that U.S. Bank owned the mortgage in December 2007 wasn’t created until the following year. The document filed by the bank, the judge wrote in March, “did not exist at the time of the filing of this action…was subsequently created and…fraudulently backdated, in a purposeful, intentional effort to mislead.” She dismissed the bank’s case.

The bank’s lawyer blamed carelessness. He explained: “Judges get in a whirl about technicalities because the courts are overwhelmed....The merits of the cases are the same: people aren't paying their mortgages.”

One of the other things I learned was that judges tended to use very precise wording in their rulings. If the judge in the Florida case was feeling overwhelmed, she didn’t mention it. What she did say what that somebody had fraudulently created a document.

That’s not a technicality. And it doesn’t matter if you’ve been making your mortgage payment or not. Banks are not allowed to foreclose on a home using fraudulent documents. Period.

One of the aspects of the rule of law is that it applies the same to everybody: a bank isn’t allowed to submit fraudulent documents to a court any more than a pauper is. That’s not a technicality. That’s the rule of law.

In the most recent brouhaha, a number of big banks, Ally, PNC Financial, J.P. Morgan Chase and Co and Bank of America, have acknowledged that their officials didn’t actually read key foreclosure documents before submitting them in court. Some documents appeared to have been forged; others appeared to contain false information.

A number of state attorney generals across the country have threatened legal action against the banks. Faced with a firestorm, some banks have voluntarily halted foreclosures in 23 states: the ones where judges oversee foreclosures. Only Bank of America has halted foreclosures in all 50 states.

One of the first banks to acknowledge that its own paperwork hadn’t been properly reviewed was Ally Bank, formerly known as GMAC. The latest controversy wasn’t the first time GMAC’s legal work on foreclosures came under scrutiny.

In 2006, Bloomberg News reported, another Florida judge sanctioned the company, finding that it submitted false affidavits to the court in a foreclosure case. The judge ordered GMAC to submit an explanation, certify that its policies had changed and pay the opposing party’s legal costs of more than $8,000.

As a result, GMAC’s legal department issued a statement that told employees “not to sign verifications on court pleading documents unless you have independently reviewed and checked the facts.”

The new policy, the Journal reported, was distributed in June 2006; it also stated in italics and boldface that GMAC employees should sign documents only in the presence of a notary. GMAC told the court  that the policies were “being corrected.”

Three and a half years later, a GMAC employee said in a deposition that his team of 13 people signed about 10,000 documents a month without reading them.

Deborah Rhode, a Stanford Law professor, told Bloomberg, “It’s not ‘technical’ when people attest under oath to knowledge they don’t have, and it doesn’t matter that in fact there isn’t actual error or discrepancy,” Rhode said. “Any court would take this very seriously.”

In this “Bust Bowl,” It’s Every Person for Themselves

During the 1930s, drought and dust storms combined to devastate farms in the heartland of the United States, already decimated by the Great Depression. One quarter of the population of the “Dust Bowl” lost their farms and ranches when the banks foreclosed on them. Millions left the Great Plains for California or elsewhere.

Today, the entire nation is trapped in a “Bust Bowl,” laid low from coast to coast by the collapse of an economy based largely on finance and speculation. The “official” unemployment rate, which has been above 9.5% for the last fourteen months, understates the true devastation wrought by the Wall Street debacle. Vast numbers of our citizens have descended into poverty: 42 million Americans – one in seven – are considered poor.  Just an hour or two outside LA, 15 to 20% of residents in towns like Bakersfield and Riverside are below the poverty line.

Back in the Thirties, farmers joined together to protect each other against foreclosures: trying to block authorities from seizing the farms, moving furniture back into the homes of the evicted, and refusing to bid on properties that were foreclosed. But there’s little sympathy for our neighbors evident these days.

To the contrary, speculation has ingrained itself so deeply in the American psyche that people view foreclosures as an opportunity to snatch up a home at distressed prices. And now that some banks are pulling homes off the market because they can’t prove they hold the mortgages, as my colleague Martin Berg has described, would-be purchasers are unhappy. The New York Times quoted a Florida mother who was supposed to move into a foreclosed “three bedroom steal” when Fannie Mae took the house off the market. “Now I’m sharing a room with my son,” she complained. “What the hell is up with that?”

It’s hard to feel sorry for someone who is trying to reap some kind of a windfall from someone else’s tragedy.

I know, everyone’s just trying to get by. The Times noted that one man who had lost his own home to foreclosure after falling behind on his payments had made a successful bid on another foreclosed home – his “dream house” – only to have the deal frozen by the bank.

But is the solution to beggar thy neighbor?

Consider the debt collector profiled in the New Yorker this week. A former drug dealer who did some time, “Jimmy” now runs a small operation in Buffalo, New York. He buys bad debts from businesses like banks and credit card companies for a few cents on the dollar, and then does what he can to collect from the people who owe the money. Anything he can get, he keeps. With so many Americans out of work and deeply in debt, the collection business is booming these days. Buffalo’s home to quite a few such firms these days, because, as Jimmy explains, “Buffalo is broke!” Jimmy’s got five kids and he’s trying to make a living and meet the payroll for his staff, whose job is to nag and cajole people into paying something on what they owe. Plus he’s up against some bigger firms that are willing to break the law in order to collect. But it’s not a pretty picture, especially because it soon becomes clear that Jimmy’s company is in trouble, and he may soon find himself among the debtors of Buffalo.

The average American is not going to be able to leverage himself out of this economic nightmare.

In the Thirties, the federal government ultimately came to the rescue: prodded by Roosevelt, Congress authorized the courts to reduce a farm mortgage to its diminished market value, and to suspend a farm foreclosure for three years. (A conservative US Supreme Court initially struck the law down as an improper intrusion of the government in the banking business, but it was later upheld.) Farmers were also allowed to borrow money through the federal government to pay off their old mortgages. This was the New Deal.

This time around, Wall Street firms have been given access to trillions of dollars of federal money at rates approaching zero interest, but with no requirement that they lend this taxpayer money back to taxpayers at all, much less at fair interest rates. Thus the banks, credit card companies and investment firms are back in business and in fact, most are rolling in dough. The rest of us have to pay exorbitant interest to borrow our money, if it is offered at all. And at the behest of Wall Street, the US Senate rejected a proposal to allow federal bankruptcy courts to modify mortgages so people could stay in their homes. A few days ago, the Obama administration rejected a nationwide moratorium on foreclosures. "While we understand the eagerness to make sure that no American is foreclosed upon in error, we must be careful not to over-reach and apply a remedy that will make the underlying problem of foreclosures worse," according to the Federal Housing Administration.

I'd call this a "Raw Deal."

"Conspiracy of Ignorance" Demands Attention

In California, the nation’s largest real estate market, the robo-signing scandal has produced many calls to halt foreclosures, but little real change so far.

For several years, lawyers who represent borrowers in foreclosure have been complaining about massive and gnarly problems in the foreclosure process.

Because of the way Wall Street sliced and diced mortgages into derivatives and sold them off, the ownership of the mortgage had often not been properly documented, these lawyers said.

Such documentation is a basic legal requirement of foreclosures.

But they couldn’t get many judges to go along with them, especially in California, where, by state law, judges don’t typically oversee foreclosures. They only get involved if a borrower files suit to block a foreclosure, and even then, the courts are reluctant to do anything that would benefit borrowers who haven’t been paying their mortgages.

But disclosures over the past week in the robo-signing scandal may change that, after bank officials disclosed that they signed thousands of foreclosure documents without reading them first. Among the problems were documents that appeared to be forged or inaccurate assessments of how much borrowers owed on their mortgages.

In states with court-supervised foreclosures, the big banks voluntarily called a halt to foreclosures. But not in non-judicial foreclosure states like California.

The banks’ position so far is that the robo-signing doesn’t represent any substantial problems in the documentation, just that they were overwhelmed and understaffed and couldn’t keep up with the paperwork.

Walter Hackett disagrees. He’s a former bank executive who now represents borrowers in foreclosure at Inland Empire Legal Services. Hackett also runs an online bulletin board for lawyers fighting foreclosure. “Sloppy paperwork is too nice a way to describe it,” Hackett told me. “It’s a conspiracy of ignorance.”

He recalled dealing with Wells Fargo on behalf of one client. They were promising his client a loan modification; however, by the time Hackett untangled the paperwork, it turned out the mortgage was actually owned by another bank.  “Before a bank can foreclose on a property, they have to prove that they own the note,” Hackett said.

Meanwhile, Attorney General Jerry Brown has issued cease and desist orders against some of the big banks that have acknowledged problems in their paperwork. But Brown’s concern is not actually the robo-signing, a spokesman said, but whether the banks are complying with a California state law that requires the banks to attempt to work out a loan modification before they foreclose on a borrower.

Brown spokesman Jim Finefrock said, “We’re talking to them [the banks]. We’re hoping for a resolution of the matter.”

He acknowledged that Brown was focused on compliance with the California law, not the larger issues of whether documents had been improperly filed in foreclosure cases.

The implications of the foreclosure fiasco are potentially huge, what Reuters business blogger Felix Salmon describes as “the mother of all legal messes.” If the problems with the paperwork prove substantial, they could undermine previous foreclosures and home sales, leading to a waves of litigation involving borrowers, homeowners banks and investors. The bad news for the economy is that the robo-signing scandal will only prolong the foreclosure crisis, keeping those facing foreclosure, and the entire housing market, from attaining some kind of stability.

While politicians and organizations have been calling for investigations and moratoriums on foreclosures, those are only a start. We need real leadership to forge long-term solutions, instead of the weak half-measures we’ve gotten so far. Maybe the robo-signing mess will offer the opportunity for the administration, the banks and the investors to try again to solve the foreclosure debacle and to get it right this time.

Fumbling the Foreclosure Crisis

Remember when former President Bush landed on an aircraft carrier less than 2 months after the Iraq invasion while a banner unfurled to declare, “Mission Accomplished?”

President Obama hasn’t surrounded himself with the dramatic props, but he reminds me of his predecessor when he brags about how he and his administration have reformed the recklessness and lack of accountability of a seriously out of whack financial system.

Unfortunately for all of us, the bombs going off in the middle of what’s supposed to be a budding economic recovery keep reminding us that the system is as broken as ever.

We still have a system where the big banks play by one set of rules (that favor them) while the rest of us have to live by another set of rules.

The latest proof are the big banks' foreclosure follies, now unfolding across the country after it was revealed that bank officials were improperly submitting key documents in foreclosure cases without actually reading them in what has been labeled “robo-signing.”

Among the widespread irregularities: bank officials who claim to have verified how much borrowers owe when in fact they hadn’t determined the amount, documents related to the foreclosures with signatures that appeared to be forgeries and documents that were improperly notarized.

Lawyers who challenge foreclosures say this is not just a technical problem.

Because of the way mortgages were sliced and diced in the securitization process, these lawyers have uncovered a variety of problems in the foreclosure paperwork – most importantly. the inability to determine who exactly owns the mortgage at issue in a particular foreclosure. Banks, overwhelmed by the flood of foreclosures, have made serious mistakes – including illegally foreclosing on homes. In Florida, for example, a man paid cash for his house, but then Bank of America foreclosed on it anyway.

In the wake of the latest disclosures, a number of big banks have now halted some, but not all, foreclosures while they sort the mess out. There’s no help for those in some of the worst-hit states in the foreclosure crisis, such as California, which is known as a non-judicial foreclosure state.

Basically that means that under state law, lenders can foreclose on your property without going to court. So if you want to challenge your foreclosure you have to sue. But the laws are tough and lawyers in California have had little success in getting judges to block foreclosures. Judges have been reluctant to challenge the way big banks do their business on behalf of distressed borrowers behind on their mortgage payments.

The foreclosure fiasco points out the failure of the Obama administration to come up with a robust remedy, in part because banks have resisted government interference that would force them to acknowledge how much value their real estate holdings have lost. The administration’s foreclosure program, which offers meager incentives for banks to reduce payments for borrowers who are about to lose their homes, has been a dismal failure. President Obama failed to fight for his own proposal to give bankruptcy judges the power to adjust mortgage payments, which could have encouraged judges to modify more mortgages on their own. That proposal was defeated last year in the Senate in the face of bank opposition.

So we’re left with the spectacle of the banks that made their own rules in the real estate bubble continuing to make their own rules in how to deal with the collapse, still largely unaccountable to government officials or courts.

Now would be a good time for the president to get the message: asking nicely has not worked. Pretending to solve the problem hasn’t worked. It’s time to make the big banks play by the same rules everybody else has to play by.

If the president chooses not to get the message he won’t have the Republicans to blame. He’ll have nobody to blame but himself.

The Credit Wolves Stalk South-Central

Before they fell into a costly cycle of subprime refinancing, Harold and Patricia King could afford to live in their modest two-bedroom home in south-central Los Angeles. They had paid $17,500 for it in 1968 with the help of a low-interest G.I loan.They raised two children and two grandchildren there. Harold retired in 1994 after 30 years on General Motors’ assembly line. His wife retired a few years later from her clerical job with the school district. They had a monthly fixed income of $2,900 and a fixed monthly mortgage payment of less than $1,000. They could handle it.

Unlike some who were able to take advantage of the cash they squeezed from the value of their homes, the Kings have little more than financial devastation to show for it. They refinanced 10 times — eight times between 2000 and 2006 — through various financial institutions. They wound up with more than a half million dollars in debt and payments more than their monthly income. Earlier this year they joined the more than 1 million other homeowners across the country that face foreclosure.

While we’ve seen and heard lots of stories of families suffering through losing homes they could never actually afford, the King’s saga puts into sharp focus one of the overlooked aspects of the on-going foreclosure crisis –many homeowners who had traditional– and affordable – mortgage loans were sold into subprime hell via refinancing deals.

In its 2006 study, “Losing Ground,” the Center for Responsible Lending found that between 1998 and 2006, “the majority of subprime loans have been refinances rather than purchase mortgages to buy homes,” and that homeowners who repeatedly refinance face a higher likelihood of facing foreclosure.

In February, the Kings packed their belongings in boxes, preparing for the loss of their long-time home. But they decided to fight for the home they’ve lived in for more than 40 years.  With the help of their lawyer, they’ve been able to stave off foreclosure, at least through the rest of the year. They’ve gone on the offense, suing their most recent lenders earlier this year for fraud and elder abuse.

Tracking the complex cast of characters and institutions with key roles on the business side of the Kings’ plight also offers a stark reminder that the explosive growth in subprime created vast wealth that never trickled down to hard-hit communities like south-central Los Angeles, a once-vibrant largely African-American and Latino neighborhood increasingly blighted by the lasting marks of the severe recession – high unemployment and high rates of foreclosure.

Take for example Deutsch Bank, which bought the MortgageIT firm that provided one of their Kings’ refinancings. In 2009, the banking giant increased its compensation to its executive board nine-fold over the previous year, led by the bank’s president, who was paid $13 million. Deutsch Bank’s path through the rocky financial crisis was helped along by its share of more than $50 billion it got in funds from the taxpayer bailout–funds the federal government paid to insurance giant AIG, which were then passed on to AIG’s clients – what has been labeled the “back-door bailout.”

The Kings also crossed paths with a lesser-known firm called Green Tree, which at one time was hired to act as the servicer on their loan – collecting the Kings’ mortgage payments every month. Founded by Lawrence Coss, a former car salesman, the firm had made a fortune in the 1990s by loaning money to people to buy mobile homes. Around the time Harold King was retiring from GM, Coss was drawing attention as the country’s highest-paid executive, winning a $69 million bonus ­– the largest bonus of all time when it was awarded in 1996. The following year he did even better, with a $102 million bonus. However, the fat profits that got Coss the bonus later turned out to be a mirage, built from bundles of risky loans and shaky accounting. Coss had to give some of his bonus back but managed to hang onto his ranches and philanthropic foundation. If anybody had been paying attention back in 2001, the unraveling of Green Tree’s business could have provided an early warning signal of the problems to come.

But in places like south-central Los Angeles, the country’s financial institutions were on a lending spree.  The Kings originally borrowed some money against their equity to supplement their retirement income. But then a series of lenders decided that the retired couple on a fixed income were good candidates for much larger refinancing.  What they offered the Kings were adjustable-interest rate loans with low teaser rates and exorbitant closing costs, fees and prepayment penalties. The Kings readily acknowledge now that they are financially unsophisticated and didn’t understand what they were getting themselves into. The deeper they went into debt the worse they felt.

“I felt guilty; I didn’t want to discuss it,” Patricia King says now. “I knew that something was deeply wrong. You hope for the best. But nothing good ever happened.”

Eventually lenders told the Kings that they needed to find somebody with better credit if they wanted to refinance their home. They brought in their 35-year-old grandson Antonio, who at the time worked at the Coca-Cola bottling plant.

According to the Kings’ lawsuit, Antonio King informed lenders that his monthly income was $3,700 a month, but when the broker or lender prepared the application, it showed his monthly income as $10,200 a month. The application, submitted on Antonio King’s behalf, also exaggerated the value of the home, from $154,000 to $540,000.  The Kings’ lawyer, Philip Koebel said of their grandson: “He threw himself to the credit wolves.”

Koebel said Antionio King found an ad for what sounded like an attractive new loan with a monthly payment of about $1,000 a month.

The Kings didn’t understand that they were getting into a negative amortization loan. The Kings were told that they would save $1,000.00 per month in comparison to a conventional mortgage if they made the minimum payment. They were not told that the minimum payment didn't even cover the interest. They were not told that the difference would be added to the principal of their mortgage and that they would be charged additional interest on the ever increasing balance of their mortgage.

With the money they got, the Kings paid off the previous loan. But they couldn’t keep up with the new payments. Antonio tried to work out a loan modification but Green Tree, which was servicing the loan,  “was not interested in making the loan affordable to the Kings,” according to their lawsuit.  Eventually Antonio filed bankruptcy in an effort to save his grandparents’ house. His 80-year old grandfather mows lawns in the neighborhood to bring in a couple of hundred dollars a month.

The lenders have fought to have the Kings lawsuit thrown out, so far unsuccessfully. In court papers their defense lawyers characterize the lawsuit as nothing more than “vague allegations and broad generalizations.” The Kings, they say, were “reaping the rewards of the strong housing market at the time and taking cash-out payment after cash-out payment each time they refinanced the loans.”

The Kings “were clearly very familiar with the loan refinancing process,” the lenders’ lawyers contend.

Like many others, the Kings didn’t see that the world had fundamentally changed, Koebel said. “Once a mortgage loan had been a relatively simple matter; a talk with a banker and a fixed payment for life. They’re not supposed to put your home at risk.”